十月 2005
十月 30, 2005
十月 26, 2005

He turns around, and the teacher hits him again on his backside.
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His "crime" was failing to hand in his homework, 10 days after the deadline. "
Source: BBC http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/4378412.stm
這是今天在BBC看到的新聞。我覺得最厲害的是學生,竟然能想到用手機錄下來。科技的先進終於讓其他人親眼看到台灣教室裡面到底發生了什麼事情。
我也是被老師打過的,究竟打了幾次,我也數不清了。報導裡提到65%的學生說他們仍然是被體罰,BBC竟然還說這是個改進,因為去年的調查結果是72%的學生有被體罰過。老早從我念國中的時候,就常聽到教育部說禁止體罰。但是教育部說一套,學校做一套。我一直認為是東方文化如此,「愛之深,責之切」是我們老師最愛講的理由,老師打學生是沒辦法的。
今年在Cleveland工作的時候跟一個在文革時代長大的北京人聊天的時候,提到體罰這件事情。沒想到當我提到國中有被老師打過,他露出一副不可思議的眼神。他用懷疑的口吻問我說我真的有被老師打過嗎?我說是啊!這個應該很正常吧!我問說難道你以前沒有被打過嗎?北京人立刻回答當然是沒有!!他說大陸老師要是打人,那是會上新聞的~
我聽到的時候真的很震撼…我一直認為大陸,尤其是文革的時候,老師應該是體罰才是呀!想說我父母常常說以前老師怎麼用藤條打人,這個北京人年紀小我爸媽不到10歲,怎麼可能沒有被打過?北京人就一直看著我,然後問說,那難道你的意思是如果我現在找一個台灣來的人,他也會說他被老師打過。我回答,沒錯!他搖搖頭說,太不可思議了…
聽他這樣一講,真的是不可思議!如果連大陸在文革的時候就已經禁止老師打人了…那怎麼台灣還這麼落後啊?!我後來想了很久,我的結論是台灣被日本影響遠比我想像中來的深。我有朋友在日本唸過書,提到老師打人的經驗,跟我們在台灣差不多。沒想到大陸竟然早在文革的時候就沒有打人了…難道老師體罰是日本文化,而非東方文化?
今天體罰這件事情鬧上新聞(連國際新聞BBC都報導),我覺得台灣真的是要該好好想一想到底是怎麼回事了!一個民主國家,所要教導的是自由的思想,自由的定義。但是如果你做什麼事情不順老師的意,就要被打,那這個還有什麼自由可言?這樣的教育方式出來的人,能夠真正理解自由是什麼意思嗎?
十月 16, 2005
‧扁系人:新系最好保證自己清高
中國時報頭條:
藍綠互卡法案 媒體放到爛?
新民進黨運動 還沒活就夭折
林文淵擋人財路?立委又火大
林文淵擋誰財路?國親查到底
北縣 周錫瑋32% 羅文嘉25%
彰縣 卓伯源24% 翁金珠21%
保育團體:貓熊就地認養
魔法阿嬤書 清晨空中飛行
8比2射天使 白襪三勝聽牌
火箭人把關 太空人勝利返航
買不到克流感 八角也缺貨
致命禽流感 入侵歐陸!
羌族傳奇美女 天仙妹妹爆紅
無菸型男靚女 站起來了
除了可以看到聯合報的頭條裡有一個小小關於神六太空人回到地球後的是新聞,其餘的都有關於台灣政治,還有似乎比新聞還重要的棒球新聞。我不知道台灣報紙上的新聞是否頭條跟網路上不一樣,但是如果是一樣的話,台灣新聞是怎麼了?為什麼這麼重要的事情沒有放在頭條?
台灣有很多人認為台灣人比大陸人好,比韓國人好,跟美國人一樣,跟日本人一樣,所以認為不需要說台灣很差,好像自己很沒自信一樣 (某個政治人物這樣說過)。但是一個人在完全不了解其他人發生了什麼事情,做出了什麼重要的事情,的情況下,就說自己跟人家一樣厲害,甚至更厲害。這樣只是自欺欺人,鴕鳥心態而已。
最近大陸各事各樣的新聞,美國這裡常常撥。BBC的亞洲版更是每一天都有兩三則大陸的新聞。關於大陸經濟,關於大陸政治,關於大陸人權問題,關於大陸貿易問題,關於大陸未來問題,都是許多報紙談論的新聞。
請問台灣新聞什麼時候可以在BBC或是美國新聞看到?台灣去年選舉,陳水扁受傷,上了這邊的新聞。馬英九當了國民黨主席,上了新聞。立法院前陣子又爆發肢體衝突,也上了新聞(而且還不是頭條)。台灣值得討論的事情是什麼?除了選舉,打架,可能還有藝人八卦吧?
十月 15, 2005
這是Martin Luthur King Jr. 最有名的演講 I have a dream. 我高中看的時候就已經熱淚盈框了。現在再聽,仍然感動!聽他講話,聽他的觀眾歡呼,聽他的觀眾吼叫的說是!沒錯!就是這樣!你說的沒錯!!世界就需要這樣的人,才能改變現狀!
I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.
Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.
But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we’ve come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.
In a sense we’ve come to our nation’s capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."
But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we’ve come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.
We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God’s children.
It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro’s legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.
But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.
The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.
We cannot walk alone.
And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.
We cannot turn back.
There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream."¹
I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest — quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.
Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.
And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.
I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."
I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.
I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.
I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.
I have a dream today!
I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" — one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.
I have a dream today!
I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."²
This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.
With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.
And this will be the day — this will be the day when all of God’s children will be able to sing with new meaning:
My country ’tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.
Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim’s pride,
From every mountainside, let freedom ring!
And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.
And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.
Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.
Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of
Pennsylvania.
Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.
Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.
But not only that:
Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.
Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.
Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.
From every mountainside, let freedom ring.
And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God’s children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:
Free at last! Free at last!
Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!³
source: http://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/Ihaveadream.htm
十月 11, 2005
十月 10, 2005
十月 5, 2005
十月 3, 2005